国际顶刊 | 《美国政治科学杂志》2021年第2期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《英国政治科学杂志》2021年第65卷第2期文章编译。
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 1
期刊简介
American Journal of Political Science（美国政治科学杂志）致力于在公民、治理和政治的知识和理解方面取得重大进展，并致力于政治科学研究的公共价值。作为美国中西部政治学协会的官方期刊，《美国政治科学杂志》发表政治学所有主要领域的研究，包括美国政治、公共政策、国际关系、比较政治、政治方法论和政治理论。
美国政治科学杂志被认为是政治科学领域最为主要的期刊之一。2020年的影响因子为6.081，在2020 Journal Citation Reports (JCR)政治科学（Political Science）研究领域的183种期刊中排名第13。
PART 2
期刊目录
Democratization and Representative Bureaucracy: An Analysis of Promotion Patterns in Indonesia’s Civil Service, 1980-
2015民主化与代表性官僚制:1980-2015年印度尼西亚公务员晋升模式分析
Media Influence on Vote Choices: Unemployment News and Incumbents’ Electoral Prospects
媒体对投票选择的影响:失业新闻和现任官员的选举前景
Hassling: How States Prevent a Preventive War
骚扰:国家如何阻止预防性战To Repress or to Co-opt? Authoritarian Control in the Age of Digital Surveillance
压制还是拉拢? 数字监控时代的威权控制How Markets Shape Values and Political Preferences: A field Experiment
市场如何塑造价值观和政治偏好：一个实地实验Judicial Reshuffles and Women Justices in Latin America
拉丁美洲的司法改组和女性法官如何(不)将政治思想史用于当代目的How (Not) to Use the History of Political Thought for Contemporary Purposes
如何(不)将政治思想史用于当代目的The Dictator’s Power-Sharing Dilemma: Countering Dual Outsider Threats
独裁者的权力分享困境:对抗外部双重威胁The Divide Over Independence: Explaining Preferences for Secession in an Advanced Open Economy
关于独立问题的分歧：解释发达开放经济中的分离偏好Bringing War Back in: Victory and State Formation in Latin America
把战争带回来：拉丁美洲的胜利与国家建构Gender Quotas and International Reputation
性别配额与国际声誉Paper Cuts: How Reporting Resources Affect Political News Coverage
新闻削减：报道资源如何影响政治新闻报道Does Transparency Inhibit Political Compromise?
政务透明是否会抑制政治妥协Responsibility For Financial Crises
金融危机的责任Ideology, Not Affect: What Americans Want from Political Representation
意识形态而非情感：美国人希望从政治代表中获得什么Thinking about Government Authority: Constitutional Rules and Political Context in Citizens’ Assessments of Judicial, Legislative, and Executive Action
对政府权威的思考：公民对司法、立法和行政行为评估中的宪法规则和政治背景
PART 3
精选译文
01 民主化与代表性官僚制:1980-2015年印度尼西亚公务员晋升模式分析
【题目】
Democratization and Representative Bureaucracy: An Analysis of Promotion Patterns in Indonesia’s Civil Service, 1980-2015
【作者】
Jan H. Pierskalla；Adam Lauretig；Andrew S.Rosenberg；Audrey Sacks
【摘要】
在发展中国家的公务员队伍中很少有妇女和少数群体担任领导职务，这对公共产品的质量和官僚的公信力有着重要的影响。我们探讨了民主化对公务员中歧视妇女和少数群体的影响。我们认为，由于身份分裂的政治化，民主化导致了更多的歧视。我们用来自印度尼西亚的行政数据来验证我们的论点，这些数据涵盖了400多万在职公务员的职业历史。我们利用印度尼西亚民主化时间的外生性和地方直接选举的交错引入来识别公务员的职业历史。证据有力地证明，民主化对女性和一些宗教少数的官员的职业前景造成了负面影响。在保守的穆斯林政党领导部门、穆斯林政党选票比例较大或穆斯林人口较多的地区以及在宗教保守的亚齐省，雇员所受处罚更加严重。
Recent political contests across Europe and North America have been propelled by a wave of populist, anti-immigrant resentment, and it was widely expected that these populist victories would further fan the flames of xenophobia. This article reports the results of an experiment around the Brexit referendum, designed to test how populist victories shape anti-immigrant attitudes. The study finds that anti-immigrant attitudes actually softened after the Brexit referendum, among both Leave and Remain supporters, and these effects persisted for several months. How could a right-wing, populist victory soften anti-immigrant attitudes? The authors use causal mediation analysis to understand this ‘populist paradox’. Among Leavers, a greater sense of control over immigration channelled the effects of the Brexit outcome onto anti-immigrant attitudes. Individuals’ efforts to distance themselves from accusations of xenophobia and racism explains the softening of attitudes towards immigration observed among both Leavers and Remainers.
02媒体对投票选择的影响:失业新闻和现任官员的选举前景
【题目】
Media Influence on Vote Choices: Unemployment News and Incumbents’ Electoral Prospects
【作者】
Marcel Garz；Gregory J. Martin
【摘要】
经济新闻是如何影响投票选择的? 我们利用左位偏差将信息环境的影响与潜在经济条件本身变化的影响分离开来，结果表明，失业人数在越过一个整数“里程碑”后，媒体对失业状况的报道数量呈现不连续增加。保持实地的实际经济状况不变，我们利用这种不连续来估计失业新闻对投票的影响。里程碑事件对现任美国州长赢得投票份额的影响很大，而且这种影响明显不对称：糟糕的里程碑事件造成的伤害大约是好的里程碑事件带来帮助的两倍。
How does news about the economy influence voting decisions? We isolate the effect of the information environment from the effect of change in the underlying economic conditions themselves by taking advantage of left-digit bias. We show that unemployment figures crossing a round-number “milestone” cause a discontinuous increase in the amount of media coverage devoted to unemployment conditions, and we use this discontinuity to estimate the effect of attention to unemployment news on voting, holding constant the actual economic conditions on the ground. Milestone effects on incumbent U.S. governor vote shares are large and notably asymmetric: Bad milestone events hurt roughly twice as much as good milestone events help.
03 骚扰:国家如何阻止预防性战争
【题目】
Hassling: How States Prevent a Preventive War
【作者】
Peter Schram
【摘要】
在国际体系中，除战争以外的低级军事行动无处不在。这些活动被学者和政策制定者视为不稳定因素，因为在进行低级行动时的误判或失误可能会升级成战争。而我认为事实恰恰相反：这些行动可以防止升级为一场更大的战争。我在讨价还价和战争的框架中间提出一种低级冲突形式，我称之为“骚扰”。骚扰的关键特征是它削弱了目标国家。我发现，当一个正在崛起的大国排除了和平谈判的可能性时，骚扰这个正在崛起的大国可以防止一场预防性战争，从而提高相关国家的效率。这种直觉在冲突的动态模型中得到了形式化，并通过对以色列的“盒子外行动”(2007)、美国对伊拉克的介入(1991-2003)和俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动(2014年开始)的考察进行了研究。
Low-level military operations outside of war are pervasive in the international system. These activities have been viewed as destabilizing by both academics and policy makers, as miscalculations or missteps in conducting low-level operations can risk escalation to war. I show the opposite can be true: these operations can prevent escalation to a greater war. I examine a type of low-level conflict that I call “hassling” in the common framework of bargaining and war. The critical feature of hassling is that it weakens a targeted state. I find that when a rising power rules out peaceful bargains, hassling the rising power can prevent a preventive war, with efficiency gains for the involved states. This intuition is formalized in a dynamic model of conflict and is explored through examinations of Israel’s Operation Outside the Box (2007), the United States’ involvement in Iraq (1991–2003), and Russia’s operations in Ukraine (beginning in 2014).
04 压制还是拉拢? 数字监控时代的威权控制
【题目】
To Repress or to Co-opt? Authoritarian Control in the Age of Digital Surveillance
【作者】
Xu Xu
【摘要】
这篇文章研究了数字监控在独裁统治下的影响。我首先提出了一个关于压制和合作的信息理论。我认为，数字监控解决了独裁者不了解个别公民反政府情绪的信息问题。通过识别激进的反对者，数字监视使独裁者能够用有针对性的镇压取代非排他性的合作，以阻止协调一致的起义。我的理论表明，随着数字监控技术的进步，我们应该看到有针对性的压制有所增加，普遍再分配有所减少。通过借助各地方数字监控系统的时间差异运用双重差分法，我发现监控增加了地方政府的公共安全支出和政治活动人士的被捕，但减少了公共物品的提供。我的理论和证据表明，政府信息的改善会让独裁统治下的公民生活更难过。
This article studies the consequences of digital surveillance in dictatorships. I first develop an informational theory of repression and co-optation. I argue that digital surveillance resolves dictators’ information problem of not knowing individual citizens’ true anti-regime sentiments. By identifying radical opponents, digital surveillance enables dictators to substitute targeted repression for nonexclusive co-optation to forestall coordinated uprisings. My theory implies that as digital surveillance technologies advance, we should observe a rise in targeted repression and a decline in universal redistribution. Using a difference-in-differences design that exploits temporal variation in digital surveillance systems among Chinese counties, I find that surveillance increases local governments’ public security expenditure and arrests of political activists but decreases public goods provision. My theory and evidence suggest that improvements in governments’ information make citizens worse off in dictatorships.
05市场如何塑造价值观和政治偏好：一个实地实验
【题目】
How Markets Shape Values and Political Preferences: A field Experiment
【作者】
Yotam Margalit；Moses Shayo
【摘要】
与市场的接触如何影响社会经济价值观和政治偏好? 有很多思想家对这种影响的性质和方向进行了辩论，但由于市场参与是内在的，因此很难从经验上评估这些说法。我们设计了一个大型的实地实验来评估在最近几十年急剧增长的金融市场的影响。来自英格兰一个全国性样本的参与者收到了他们可以在6周内投资的大量资金。我们对他们分成几批处理，旨在区分不同影响的理论渠道。结果显示，股票投资导致了研究对象在诸如道德和正当、个人责任以及平等等问题上更加右倾的观点,在政策问题上他们也转向了右翼。这些结果似乎是由对熟悉程度的提升和不信任程度的降低驱动的。因此，金融市场的扩散具有重要的、但被低估的政治影响。
How does engagement with markets affect socioeconomic values and political preferences? A long line of thinkers has debated the nature and direction of such effects, but claims are difficult to assess empirically because market engagement is endogenous. We designed a large field experiment to evaluate the impact of financial markets, which have grown dramatically in recent decades. Participants from a national sample in England received substantial sums they could invest over a 6-week period. We assigned them into several treatments designed to distinguish between different theoretical channels of influence. Results show that investment in stocks led to a more right-leaning outlook on issues such as merit and deservingness, personal responsibility, and equality. Subjects also shifted to the right on policy questions. These results appear to be driven by growing familiarity with, and decreasing distrust of markets. The spread of financial markets thus has important and underappreciated political ramifications.
06 拉丁美洲的司法改组和女性法官
【题目】
Elite Communication and the Popular Legitimacy of International Organizations
【作者】
Ignacio Arana Araya；Melanie M. Hughes；Aníbal Pérez-Liñán
【摘要】
薄弱的司法机构能促进女性进入高等法院吗? 通过分析拉丁美洲司法重组的结果，我们探讨了弱势制度和性别多元化之间的关系。我们的理论认为，制度上的混乱才会有利于女性大法官的任命，但只有在左翼政党控制提名程序时才会如此。。我们使用差双重差分法和动态面板模型对18个拉丁美洲国家在1961年至2014年期间的观点进行了检验。该分析为我们的假设提供了支持，但性别多样化的收益规模不大，很难长期维持。政治改组可能会在短期内提高妇女在司法部门的地位，但它们并不代表在性别平等方面取得实质性进展。
Can weak judicial institutions facilitate the advancement of women to the high courts? We explore the relationship between weak institutions and gender diversification by analyzing the consequences of judicial reshuffles in Latin America. Our theory predicts that institutional disruptions will facilitate the appointment of women justices, but only when left parties control the nomination process. We test this argument using difference-in-differences and dynamic panel models for 18 Latin American countries between 1961 and 2014. The analysis offers support for our hypothesis, but gains in gender diversification are modest in size and hard to sustain over time. Political reshuffles may produce short-term advances for women in the judiciary, but they do not represent a path to substantive progress in gender equality.
07 如何(不)将政治思想史用于当代目的
【题目】
How (Not) to Use the History of Political Thought for Contemporary Purposes
【作者】
Adrian Blau
【摘要】
许多学者从历史文献中寻求当代的见解。然而，这样的努力往往是不够的。有些研究并没有指出文献中的缺漏，又或者他们过度概括了当代学术的局限性。其他研究误读了当代作者或低估了当代问题的复杂性。有趣的是，一些研究使用了已经被取代的观点：政治思想史可以约束也可以解放。总的来说，我认为，对政治思想史的当代价值的一些最大胆的主张，来自那些自己的当代见解有时达不到要求的学者。这些问题有可能削弱、而不是强调政治思想史的当代相关性。要从历史文本中得出当代的见解，我们需要了解这有多么困难。
Many scholars seek contemporary insights from historical texts. Yet such efforts often fall short. Some studies do not demonstrate a gap in the literature, or they overgeneralize about the limitations of contemporary scholarship. Other studies misread contemporary authors or underestimate the complexity of contemporary issues. Interestingly, some studies use ideas that have been superseded: the history of political thought can constrain as well as liberate. Overall, I suggest, some of the boldest claims for the contemporary value of the history of political thought come from scholars whose own contemporary insights sometimes fall short. These problems risk undermining, not underlining, the contemporary relevance of the history of political thought. To draw contemporary insights from historical texts, we need to grasp how hard this can be.
08 独裁者的权力分享困境:对抗外部双重威胁
【题目】
The Dictator’s Power-Sharing Dilemma: Countering Dual Outsider Threats
【作者】
Jack Paine
【摘要】
独裁者面临着权力分享的两难境地：扩大精英的纳入范围可以减少外来者叛乱的可能性（由被排除在权力之外的精英或群众引导），但它提高了内部人政变的风险。本文重新思考了权力分享困境的理论基础及其后果。我的研究结果与 “传统威胁逻辑 ”形成对比，并为其提供了条件。“传统威胁逻辑 ”认为，尽管提高了政变风险，但大量的外部威胁迫使独裁者建立更广泛的政权。相反，我通过一个博弈论模型来解释为什么外来者威胁的大小会模糊地影响权力分享的动机。薄弱的政变防范机构或根深蒂固的精英会使独裁者采取与常规逻辑预测相反的行动。来自群众的额外外来威胁要么可以加剧，要么消除与精英的权力分享困境，这取决于精英对群众统治的亲和力。考察精英与群众的互动关系也会对群众威胁如何影响政变和政权被推翻的可能性产生新的影响。
Dictators face a power-sharing dilemma: Broadening elite incorporation mitigates prospects for outsider rebellions (by either elites excluded from power or the masses), but it raises the risk of insider coups. This article rethinks the theoretical foundations of the power-sharing dilemma and its consequences. My findings contrast with and provide conditionalities for a “conventional threat logic,” which argues that large outsider threats compel dictators to create broader-based regimes, despite raising coup risk. Instead, I analyze a game-theoretic model to explain why the magnitude of the elite outsider threat ambiguously affects power-sharing incentives. Dictators with weak coup-proofing institutions or who face deeply entrenched elites take the opposite actions predicted by the conventional logic. An additional outsider threat from the masses can either exacerbate or eliminate the power-sharing dilemma with elites, depending on elite affinity toward mass rule. Examining the elite-mass interaction also generates new implications for how mass threats affect the likelihood of coups and regime overthrow.
09 关于独立问题的分歧：解释发达开放经济中的分离偏好
【题目】
The Divide Over Independence: Explaining Preferences for Secession in an Advanced Open Economy
【作者】
Maria Jose Hierro ；Didac Queralt
【摘要】
预期中独立所带来的贸易、保险及财政冲击构成了独立于非物质考量的分离倾向。为了验证这一说法，我们借鉴了2017年地区选举前在加泰罗尼亚进行的一项原始调查，该选举是在暂停宣布独立后进行的。贸易冲击基于市场不同专业化分类产生了不同影响：在专门从事东道国市场工作的相关部门与公司工作的受访者不成比例地反对分离，而那些专门从事外国市场工作的受访者则没有表现出对分离的反感。被排除在公共保险之外会加强长期失业者对分离的偏好。对分离的支持也随着劳动者技能水平的提高而增加，但这种支持并非来源于独立后预期的要素回报。技术人员对跨地域再分配的制度设计有更好的理解。在自治权撤回的背景下，该团体更怀疑工会内部对地区需求的适应。总的来说，我们提出了一种个人层面的唯物主义方法来研究分离问题。
Anticipated trade, insurance, and fiscal shocks from independence structure preferences for secession independently from nonmaterial considerations. To test this claim, we draw from an original survey conducted in Catalonia before the 2017 regional election, which followed a suspended declaration of independence. Trade shocks produce differential effects depending on market specialization: Respondents working in sectors and at firms specializing in the host state market disproportionately oppose secession, whereas those specializing in foreign markets show no aversion to independence. Exclusion from public insurance strengthens preference for secession among the long-term unemployed. Support for secession also increases with skill levels but not because of expected postindependence factor returns. The skilled population shows a better understanding of the institutional design of interterritorial redistribution. In a context of autonomy retraction, this group is more skeptical of the accommodation of regional demands within the union. Overall, we advance an individual-level materialistic approach to the study of secession.
10 把战争带回来：拉丁美洲的胜利与国家建构
【题目】
Bringing War Back in: Victory and State Formation in Latin America
【作者】
Luis L. Schenoni
【摘要】
学者们经常忽视战争对拉丁美洲等地区国家建构的影响，因为这些地区的战争动员被认为不够激烈，而国际冲突也未能将较弱的国家排除在外。与这种传统观念相反，我认为战争可以通过在其胜负过程中而产生的不同国家机构来影响战后的国家建设轨迹。在重新考量战争结果在古典好战主义理论中的作用之后，我使用双重差分法来确定在在一组拉丁美洲（1865-1913）的数据中，战争的失败与胜利对国家能力水平的影响。然后，我通过对巴拉圭战争(1864-1870)和太平洋战争(1879-1883)的案例研究来说明我的因果机制，并将综合控制方法应用于这些案例。虽然失败者的淘汰掩盖了战争结果在欧洲历史上的影响，但拉丁美洲却阐明了战争后果的长期影响。
Scholars have often dismissed the effect of war on state formation in regions like Latin America, where mobilization for war is deemed insufficiently intense and international conflict fails to out-select weaker states. Against this conventional wisdom, I contend that wars can affect state-building trajectories in a postwar period through the different state institutions that result from victory and defeat. After reconsidering the role of war outcomes in classical bellicist theory. I use difference-in-differences analysis to identify the effect of losing vis-à-vis winning a war on levels of state capacity in a panel of Latin America (1865–1913). I then illustrate my causal mechanisms in case studies of the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) and the War of the Pacific (1879–1883) and apply the synthetic control method to these cases. Although out-selection of losers obscures the effect of war outcomes in European history, Latin America illuminates their long-term consequences.
11 性别配额与国际声誉
【题目】
Gender Quotas and International Reputation
【作者】
Sarah Sunn Bush ；Pär Zetterberg
【摘要】
选举性别配额的全球传播被认为是过去 30 年来最重要的制度发展之一。许多通过旨在增加女性政治代表的法律的国家都是选举专制国家，在其他方面存在严重的性别不平等。一些学者认为，选举威权国家已采用配额作为提高其民主国际声誉的策略。这篇文章代表了对配额是否真的能提升声誉的首次探索，通过瑞典和美国关于假设发展中国家的大规模调查实验，我们发现确实如此。特别是当女性的描述代表性更广泛时，群众认为该选举专制国家更民主，更有可能支持给予他们外国援助。这篇文章不仅有助于我们理解性别配额和女性代表，还有助于促进学界对国际声誉、人权和外国援助态度进行更广泛的辩论。
The global spread of electoral gender quotas has been characterized as one of the most significant institutional developments of the last 30 years. Many of the countries that have adopted these laws designed to increase women’s political representation are electoral autocracies that have otherwise-stark gender inequalities. Some scholars argue that electoral authoritarian states have adopted quotas as a strategy for improving their international reputations for democracy. This article represents the first exploration of whether quotas really generate reputational boosts. Using large-scale survey experiments in Sweden and the United States concerning hypothetical developing countries, we find that they do. In particular, audiences perceived electoral autocracies as more democratic and were more likely to support giving them foreign aid when women’s descriptive representation was greater. Beyond its contribution to our understanding of gender quotas and women’s representation, this article contributes to broader debates about international reputation, human rights, and foreign aid attitudes.
12 新闻削减：报道资源如何影响政治新闻报道
【题目】
Paper Cuts: How Reporting Resources Affect Political News Coverage
【作者】
Erik Peterson
【摘要】
媒体为民主进程提供了重要投入，但它们面临着日益严峻的经济挑战。我研究了这种压力的一个新的突出表现，即报告能力下降，政治报道受到影响。我以美国的报纸为重点，使用面板数据来评估报导能力与政治报道之间的关系，发现在 2007 年至 2015 年期间，全行业就业人数下降了 40% 以上。裁员大大减少了报纸提供的政治报道数量。通过不同的样本和测量方法，发现典型地削减报纸的报道人员会使其年度政治报道减少 300 到 500 篇。政治新闻的减少与非政治新闻报道的减少相对应，这意味着在此期间，政治新闻的份额保持稳定。这表明经济压力通过塑造媒体报道政治的能力来影响政治信息环境。
Media outlets provide crucial inputs into the democratic process, yet they face increasingly severe economic challenges. I study how a newly salient manifestation of this pressure, reduced reporting capacity, influences political coverage.Focusing on newspapers in the United States, where industry-wide employment fell over 40% between 2007 and 2015, I use panel data to assess the relationship between reporting capacity and political coverage. Staff cuts substantially decrease the amount of political coverage newspapers provide. Across different samples and measurement approaches, a typical cut back to a newspaper’s reporting staff reduces its annual political coverage by between 300 and 500 stories. These political news declines happen against the backdrop of similar reductions in nonpolitical coverage, meaning the share of newspaper articles focused on politics remains stable over this period. This demonstrates that economic pressure affects the political information environment by shaping the media’s capacity to cover politics.
13 政务透明是否会抑制政治妥协
【题目】
Does Transparency Inhibit Political Compromise?
【作者】
Jeffrey J. Harden；Justin H. Kirkland
【摘要】
在考虑是否允许公众参与治理过程时，世界各国政府都面临着明显的紧张局势。原则上，透明的政治体系会完善政府问责制，促进善治。然而，政治家和学者们认为这种改革也限制了政治家的谈判和妥协能力，导致工作低效和僵局产生。政务透明抑制政治妥协这一论点被广泛接受，但很少被实证检验。我们围绕这一主张建立了一个理论框架，并在美国各州立法机构的背景下对其进行评估。我们利用各州“阳光法”采纳和立法豁免的时间变化来识别透明度对几个可观察的妥协指标的影响：立法效率、两极分化、党派偏见、政策变化和预算延迟。我们的分析通常不支持该论点，我们主要报告精确估计的可忽略的影响。因此，政治透明度可能不是传统观点所认为的对政策制定的阻碍。即使在公众监督下，州立法机构也有可能进行有效的管理。
Governments around the world face an apparent tension when considering whether to allow public access to the governing process. In principle, transparent institutions promote accountability and good governance. However, politicians and scholars contend that such reforms also constrain politicians’ capacity to negotiate and compromise, producing inefficiency and gridlock. This argument—that transparency inhibits compromise—is widely accepted, but rarely empirically tested. We develop a theoretical framework around the claim and evaluate it in the context of American state legislatures. We leverage temporal variation in state “sunshine law” adoptions and legislative exemptions to identify the effects of transparency on several observable indicators of compromise: legislative productivity, polarization, partisanship, policy change, and budget delay. Our analyses generally do not support the argument; we mostly report precisely estimated negligible effects. Thus, transparency may not be the hindrance to policy making that conventional wisdom suggests. Effective governance appears possible in state legislatures even under public scrutiny.
14 金融危机的责任
【题目】
Responsibility For Financial Crises
【作者】
Anahí Wiedenbrüg
【摘要】
不公正的全球秩序如何再现？我们该如何思考个人的责任？社会和全球正义学者对这两个相互关联的问题进行了大量思考。为了捕捉不公正全球秩序再生产的多方面责任图景，需要一个综合责任模型，该模型建立在整合和修订现有责任理论的基础上。为此，我分析了一系列复杂的社会过程，通过这些过程，不公正的全球秩序得以再现，也就是金融危机产生。综合责任模型提供了三个启发式类别来思考通过金融危机再现不公正全球秩序的完整责任图景：结构—代理层面、适当的结构过程和结构—系统层面。
How is the unjust global order reproduced, and how are we to think about individual responsibility therefor? Social and global justice scholars have devoted much thought to these two interrelated questions. In this article I argue that to capture the multifaceted responsibility picture for the reproduction of the unjust global order, an integrated responsibility model is needed, which builds on, integrates and revises existing responsibility theories. To do so, I analyze one set of complex social processes through which the unjust global order is reproduced, namely financial crises. The integrated responsibility model defended offers three heuristic categories to think through the full responsibility picture for the reproduction of the unjust global order via financial crises: the structural-agential level, structural processes proper, and the structural-systemic level.
15 意识形态而非情感：美国人希望从政治代表中获得什么
【题目】
Ideology, Not Affect: What Americans Want from Political Representation
【作者】
Mia Costa
【摘要】
在一个情感两极分化的时代，公民希望如何被民选官员所代表？关于美国政治的当代叙事认为，人们接受负面党派偏见的精英表达远远超越其在政策上的代表。本文通过三个联合实验，研究了个人如何权衡实质性代表对问题、选区服务和党派影响的相对价值。调查结果挑战了美国人主要受其情感和党派身份驱动的观点，并证明了政策一致性和服务响应在对政治代表的看法方面的价值。这意味着，人们以他们所期望的方式对民选官员在一个以健康、正常运作的代议制民主而非党派敌意为特征的民主中进行评估。即使两极分化是由“情感而不是意识形态”驱动，公民也会优先考虑关注对其自身有重要意义的问题的代议风格。
How do citizens want to be represented by elected officials in an era of affective polarization? Contemporary narratives about American politics argue that people embrace elite expressions of negative partisanship, above and beyond representation on policy. Using three conjoint experiments, I examine how individuals weigh the relative value of substantive representation on issues, constituency service, and partisan affect. The findings challenge the notion that Americans are primarily motivated by their affective, partisan identities and demonstrate the value of policy congruence and service responsiveness in terms of perceptions of political representation. The implication is that people evaluate elected officials in ways that we would expect them to in a healthy, functioning representative democracy, rather than one characterized by partisan animus. Even if polarization is driven by “affect, not ideology,” citizens prioritize representational styles centered around the issues that matter to them.
16 对政府权威的思考：公民对司法、立法和行政行为评估中的宪法规则和政治背景
【题目】
Thinking about Government Authority: Constitutional Rules and Political Context in Citizens’ Assessments of Judicial, Legislative, and Executive Action
【作者】
Eileen Braman
【摘要】
本文对公民怎样思考政府各部门合理有效地行使政治权威展开研究。在国家样本上进行的三个类似的设计实验表明，在整个机构中，个人被告知如何遵守决策规则很重要，但官员行动的政治背景也很重要。在此类评估中，参与者对作为政府行动主题的问题的政策偏好尤为重要。有证据表明，在评估单边行动的适当性时，对特朗普总统和参与者政策观点的感受比奥巴马政府时期更为重要；调查结果还表明，参与者被告知特朗普总统遵守规则的情况并不那么重要。这可能反映出公民在对行政权力评估中宪法规范重要性的下降，但针对调查的其他解释也会被讨论。
This study explores how citizens think about the appropriate exercise of authority across the branches of government. Three similarly designed experiments conducted on national samples reveal that what individuals are told about compliance with decision-making rules matters across institutions, but so does the political context in which officials are acting.Participants’ policy preferences about the issues that are the subject of government action are particularly important in such assessments. Evidence suggests that feelings about President Trump and participants’ policy views are more important in assessments of the appropriateness of unilateral action than they were during the Obama administration; findings also suggest that what participants are told about President Trump’s compliance with rules is less important. This could reflect an erosion in the importance of constitutional norms in citizens’ assessments of executive authority, but other explanations specific to the inquiry are also discussed.
翻 译：陈宇洋 李璐雅
校 对：陈宇洋 李璐雅
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编辑：李璐雅
审核：焦 磊
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